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Why Brown’s Iraq inquiry pledge – to me! – matters


by Sunder Katwala    
March 17, 2008 at 10:05 pm

I very much welcome Gordon Brown’s commitment to an inquiry ” to learn all possible lessons from the military action in Iraq and its aftermath” – even aside from the unusual experience of this very welcome political development coming in correspondence between myself and the Prime Minister. (Naturally, one also expects that other Cabinet ministers will take note.

We were very pleased with last week’s budget commitments on child poverty and will be thinking about where else we should now be pressing for progress).

On Iraq, the Prime Minister’s spokesman says “that there is nothing new in the letter to the Fabian Society”. I am not particularly concerned about a Westminster village debate about how much we have learnt from the letter. If an inquiry has been the government’s intention all along, then I very much welcome the fact that this is now clearly on the public record and in the Prime Minister’s own words too.

For me, the most positive aspect of Brown’s letter are that it adds to the sense that he is planning and ambitious and rather different foreign policy for the ‘World after Bush’ – a pursuit to which this blog is dedicated.

But the letter has also naturally been the subject of considerable political and media interest today because of that clear, personal commitment by the Prime Minister on behalf of his government. The Independent’s powerful front-page coverage of the Brown letter helps to take forward the newspaper’s own sustained campaign for an inquiry. It is striking too that The Times and the Evening Standard, two papers which were editorially supportive of the government’s decision to go to war, also report that Brown’s letter marks a significant development of policy. That is also reflected in reaction from Labour backbenchers and the opposition parties, with Nick Clegg and William Hague stepping up pressure on the issue.

The Times reports that:

Since succeeding Mr Blair last summer Mr Brown has stopped short of calling outright for an inquiry. Last September he said the time would come to discuss whether one should be held. His letter to Sunder Katwala, the Fabian Society’s general secretary, suggests he has accepted that one should be conducted.

The Evening Standard says that:

There have been hints before of an inquiry but this was the first confirmation from No 10.

I wrote my letter to the Prime Minister mainly to make the case as to why an inquiry is important, and why the fifth anniversary offered the government the right context to announce this. But, as I told The Independent, the letter was also motivated by the fact that I wasn’t clear what the government’s policy on an inquiry was, despite trying to follow these issues clearly. I am not omniscient about these issues, but I was not aware of any public statement from the current Prime Minister or current Foreign Secretary setting that out since the Brown administration took office in June.

Those of us trying to read between the lines of various statements as to what the final decision would be were coming to different conclusions. For example, David Miliband’s comments rejecting an inquiry when interviewed by Fabian Review in December were reported as marking a significant cooling of the government’s attitude towards an inquiry.

“I am obsessed with the next five years in Iraq, not the last five years in Iraq. And I think that the best ‘inquiry’ is putting the best brains to think about how to make sure the next five years in Iraq get that combination of political reconstruction, economic reconstruction and security improvement that are so essential.”

Certainly, his words then were much more sceptical than both Margaret Beckett and Des Browne had been before the transition, in seeming to accept that an inquiry in due course would make sense. But as I – blogged at the time –

I think is too early to say “Government rules out inquiry into Iraq conflict”. I don’t see that Miliband has given a definite indication of future government policy … The case for an inquiry will continue, within and outside government.

And, despite that scepticism. Miliband did, in his keynote speech to the Fabian Change the World conference, make a significant argument about the need to ‘learn the lessons’ from Iraq and Afghanistan.

‘democratic institutions need to be built from the bottom up not just the top down; and military victories are never a solution in themselves; they need the backing of economic and social reconstruction’

By contrast, Tony Blair was, for the most part, strongly opposed to an inquiry. Competing quotes can be found on both sides. The authentic Blair view is, I would suggest, is the claim that “We have had inquiry after inquiry we do not need to go back over this again and again.” It was only well into injury time towards the end of Blair’s Premiership that Ministers began to suggest they were open to an inquiry – and again there was something of a guessing game as to whether this had been inspired by the Prime Minister in waiting, or might rather have been a case of other Ministers seeking to anticipate

It is certainly true that the Brown letter does not go into any detail as to the nature of an inquiry or its timing. However, it would be more than pushing my luck to complain about that, and I hope that the government will set out more details of its plans as soon as possible. (More formally, I expect, but I would like to place on record that the Fabian letterbox remains very much open).

Now, I hope somebody at Number 10 is also paying attention to the very cogent case made in Saturday’s Guardian against the extension of detention without trial.

Andy Grice of the Independent also blogs about the Brown letter, pointing out that Brown had not previously said any more than that “there will be a time to discuss the question” of an inquiry. So the Prime Minister’s support for an inquiry is new.


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About the author
Sunder Katwala is a regular contributor to Liberal Conspiracy. He is secretary-general of the Fabian Society. Also at: Next Left
· Other posts by Sunder Katwala

Filed under
Blog ,Foreign affairs ,Labour party ,Middle East ,Our democracy ,Westminster


14 responses in total   ||  



Reader comments

Sunder,

I agree with your view that:
It is certainly true that the Brown letter does not go into any detail as to the nature of an inquiry or its timing. However, it would be more than pushing my luck to complain about that, and I hope that the government will set out more details of its plans as soon as possible.

But I still cannot fathom why Brown would be so coy about pushing ahead with this. Are the Blairites still so strong within government that any attempt by Brown to decisively break from the Blair agenda, and set out his own, means he will face a rebellion?

As we both know, this govt is changing its rhetoric on ‘the war on terror’, which should be welcomed. But why not be bolder on breaking from the past at a time when most Labour voters seem to be reaching the conclusion that Brown is really not that different from Blair.

I remember the Compass conference not long after Brown came to power. Neal Lawson was visibly enthusiastic and hailed it as the dawn of a new era almost. Now, I bet, he too is regretting his words.

Does Brown have anything to lose from pushing with an inquiry?

Deeds, not words. Brown will hold a public enquiry if and when he thinks it will do lethal damage to Blair’s self-promoting ambitions.

Gordon Brown’s commitment to an inquiry ” to learn all possible lessons from the military action in Iraq and its aftermath” is distinctly vague and suggests he is trying to avoid sitting on this barbed-wire fence by standing astride it.

From my viewpoint it is easy to make arguments on all sides of what was right and wrong about the invasion, overthrow and occupation of the Iraqi regime (it was hardly a war), but Brown’s failure to commit to a principle suggests he is being dishonest about the bigger picture as he sees it.

We could do with some transparency to go with this latest promise to hold/be held to account.

4. douglas clark

thomas,

Usually, governments write terms of reference for enquiries that preclude the enquiry looking at the ‘interesting bits’. If Brown does allow an open ended enquiry along the lines mooted, it would be all to the good.

Does Brown have anything to lose from pushing with an inquiry?

Of course! The inquiry will find that the invasion was a disaster, that it wasn’t properly thought through, that there were too many problems to speak of with the process, and that Brown was all for it.

If he thought an inquiry would make him (and the Labour party) more popular, he would start one today.

What exactly has been mooted? Do mootings result in more than two hootings?

A mooting is a formally arranged gathering of bovines.

8. Margin4 Error

Sunder

There is little concern about a blairite rebellion in Labour, or any rebellion – indeed plenty of non-blairites are starting to fret that the lack of that alternative powerbase in the party has made the Brown led government complacent and uninspiring.

But Brown has a difficult line to walk beyond party politics.

The military establishment and the inteligence service don’t want an inquiry, at least until their work is “done” in Iraq. Generals fear it would undermine troop morale in Iraq, and intelligence services fear it would fuel unrest as aspects of an inquiry would provide propoganda for insurgents.

And of course Brown needs to set something of a precident on this inquiry. Although he was hardly an enthusiastic supporter of the war in Iraq, he wants to wait until we are out of there before an inquiry is held so that the same line can be maintained on Afghanistan.

The public still largely support action in Afghanistan and it was of course a perfectly legal war fought on sound principle (that of mutual defence of allies under attack). But once the low hanging fruit of Iraq has been picked, the anti-war movement will move on to afghanistan, and public opinion will start to turn on that too.

So both Labour and Conservatives (when next in power) would therefore benefit from a precident that puts off official inquiries until the end of the action. That would protect action in Afghanistan which is far more important strategically than Iraq.

9. Sunder Katwala

Sunny,

The main point for me is that this is good news, and the right thing to do, and a necessary move for Labour politically to start to reconnect to anti-Iraq war Labour supporters. But I don’t think No10 has got the politics of this quite right. this is a positive development for them. They should say: yes, we think it is an important shift, not imply this was a Blair policy (when it wasn’t). Whatever people’s views on Iraq in 2003, it is now an obvious common ground position that the lessons need to be learnt. The practical arguments made would not prevent clarity about the timing, etc. They seem to me to be heading into an unnecessary political argument with the opposing parties, which an announcement would avoid.

I agree with Margin4Error: there is no possibility of a Blairite rebellion. For two reasons: there aren’t many Blairites, and the true believers would not want to be blamed for splits and divisiveness (assuming that one or two people remember that). Nor is there any significant prospect of a ‘left of Brown’ rebellion. Because there aren’t enough people outside the Campaign Group; because there are divisions even within that small group; and because there is no genuinely coherent alternative constructive agenda which goes beyond rhetorical oppositionalism.

Neither of those two groups could find 10% of the MPs to back a leadership contestant. (Between them, they may just about have 10%). The vast majority of the parliamentary party are new Labour as a necessary response, broadly loyal-ish to Blair and then to Brown, and with most wanting a The PLP is more comfortable with Brown than Blair in political/policy terms, though many acknowledge the particular star quality which Blair had, at least from 1995 until 2003/4. Very few were expecting Brown as PM to be somehow completely different from the Brown who has run economic and social policy so far. I don’t know anybody on the left who thought Red Gordon was secretly lurking and waiting to strike. But there is a sense that he has a stronger commitment to child poverty, inequality and public services.

There isn’t any significant constituency in the party for something completely different: there are plenty of arguments and pressures from within about the policy and political agenda, which are mainly about a (moderate but significant) tilt left in policy and politics (less uberblairite ‘reform’ rhetoric for its own sake; more focus on Labour arguments and constituencies; more social ends as well as means; less running against your own side to look tough), without ignoring the electoral constraints. And there is an important argument, which I have made, that sticking to the 1997 script/constraints too closely could also cost Labour the election, as the broad coalition must be rebuilt on all sides, not just with classic swing voters.

I’m glad I’m not a Fabian considering the bloated conceit written by Sunder here.

Hindsight is a fantastic attribute, but that’s not what we want from our politicians. We demand foresight, though it isn’t a readily discernable commodity.

Brown has dug himself a pit which he can’t get out of, he can only hope it doesn’t end up as his grave.

11. douglas clark

thomas,

‘mooted’ in the sense that I used it, is a verb, which means, ‘raise or suggest (a question or an idea)’. Although I quite like the idea that it is a convention of lowing cows.

Still, Browns suggested terms of reference are broad enough to be meaningful. To the extent that the liberal left should have a steak, oops, stake in them!

Douglas, thanks for that, can I cancel my dictionary subscription now?

My point was that all sorts of things are mooted and the media is often misused as a very public soundingboard for policies by an out-of-touch government. Doing it that way also gives the false impression that promises have been made, which is not the case, and also enables the government to make a pretence of its intentions.

In which case, can you tell me why anyone should give two hoots about something that will never happen?

13. douglas clark

thomas,

I agree with you about the media. I agree with you that a sound bite is not a promise.

We. You and I and anyone else that wants to sign up, should try to make Gordon Brown live up to the open terms of reference he alluded to.

Democracy is down to us, really. If we allow politicians to pretend that they are our betters, then more fool us. Such is my wisdom or foolishness.

14. ukliberty

Because promises win hearts and minds.


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