It hardly needs restating that the British pro-war coalition (a mixture of the most loathsome and internecine members of the left, along with a few gullible sops such as Johann Hari and, of course, the usual jingoist rightists) has shrunk and collapsed. Support for the war has tanked heavily over the past few years, and reduced into a pale shadow of the former polarity that left the country so heavily divided, that Radio 1 denied Hot Hot Heat’s best song the coverage it deserved due to its title and chorus being a reference to “Bandages”.
Anti-war sentiment, meanwhile, has swollen. The increasing crescendo of dissent was easily the largest single factor in driving Blair from office and without this ultimate, unforgivable betrayal there is little doubt that Labour would be in a far better position than their current predicament. Had Michael Howard opposed the War, there’s a sliver of a chance that he would be Prime Minister today, but it is unquestionable that Labour would have taken an even greater pounding.
As it is, the Conservatives’ inability to attack Blair properly upon the war -attacking the fashion in which it was conducted rather than the war itself – has hindered them greatly, and their failure to provide the opposition expected of them ensured that it has taken another few years and a total re-branding for them to grasp the public consciousness.
Whereas previously a deep commitment to opposition had filled many with conviction to end it (the largest protest in British history serves as an obvious indication of this much), the abatement of this apoplexy has been accompanied with the broadening of anti-war views. It is now only the die-hards of the Decent left (who SES finds too irritating that we censor all mention of them) that keep the line firm. Most of the Guardianistas, all of Hari and the rest, have abandoned their former backing and grown contrite. Matthew Parris described this process as the sinking of the good ship Neo-con almost two years ago. By now the process is through. A scattered handful remain, fit only for being subjected to ridicule by radical socialists and squabbling over which Presidential candidate to back: all out behind the war and back the reactionary or throw your chips for Obama and his progressive vigour on all matters, bound to crush your love-child underfoot.
But this division is of greater significance than the group it tears apart: for in America one party’s de facto leader is a man who reckons that the war is “One that should never have been authorised and should never have been waged.” Now there is a position which there is no mistaking the conviction of. Although he has since mixed this stance with a displeasing nationalist smudge of the suggestion that Americans should “Stop rebuilding their country and start rebuilding our own” his core position seems sound.
As heartening as this is, should we not pause for a moment to reflect upon how strange it is that no such voice exists within Britain? Or rather, no such firm tones and intentions are anywhere matched by the actual possibility of the speaker coming to power. The Labour Party are of course crippled over this issue by their own conduct, with Brown incapable of speaking out over the issue as the inevitable retort “Where were you with these words when it mattered?” would snap him. The Conservatives are led, once again, by a war backer and he shows no signs of revoking his former position. So far as can be determined, the line is jingoism as usual, despite the vast requirements that this makes upon the state which the Tories supposedly want to reduce the role and size of. Funny how rightists always overlook military spending, even for totally superfluous and massively expensive measures such as Trident. Or, for that matter, the equally useless and even more pricey Iraq War.
The Liberal Democrats used to be a bastion of war opposition, as well as a sponge for disaffected Labour voters in 2005. But at present they are led by Nick Clegg, who seems to follow Menzies Campbell (who had a considerable amount of foreign policy experience) in issuing a muffled silence over the matter. He may well be firmly opposed to the invasion and subsequent occupation, but as of yet I have heard not a word of it from him.
The Greens and the BNP are or were against the war. The Scottish exception is a substantial one, but strictly local (or if the SNP get their way, strictly foreign). George Galloway got a seat out of it (before the “Coalition” he rode collapsed multiple times). But this is scant consolation. In 2004 the Green Party of America was against the war and secured beneath a single percentage point in the presidential election and no national seats anywhere. Now the head of the Democratic Party, which claimed both houses in 2006 largely on the back of weariness of the war, and the most likely candidate to win opposes it strongly. That is the sort of four year progress I would anticipate of Britain. That would match the groundswell towards war opposition which has occurred in that time.
But, as I ask whenever someone suggests an “Anyone but Miliband” candidate claiming Labour victory, where is the name? Nobody in British politics shares a vigorous opposition to the War and the possibility of ending up anywhere important. Even the aforementioned most-likely-next-Labour-leader has done a grand total of nothing to end the war in his position of Foreign Secretary. Nobody inside the government or out seems up to the task and after the massive swing towards opposition this is not so much puzzling and disappointing as baffling and intolerable. Must the war serve only as a hindrance for those who backed it and never as an opportunity for those that did not? Is there no one willing to seize the chance to end it immediately and ride with this willingness to power?
If not, we shall have to settle into the awkward position of being substantially to the right of America. At best we shall be dragged out along with them. So perhaps we should take heart in noting that, either way, the jingoist nationalists will be mildly humiliated. Which is scant consolation.
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Personally, I am very pleased that the Lib Dems and others have de-emphasised their opposition to the Iraq war. When the war was immediate, it made sense to stress that opposition, but today, all parties should have different concerns wrt Iraq. Delivering real economic development, democratic government, social services and personal security are more important than raking over old coals.
The lessons from the Iraq war are important and will serve us all well in the future. But as a politcal campaigning weapon, it is in the past.
There was a word against the Iraq war from Nick Clegg in his speech to conference
http://www.nickclegg.com/2008/09/the-only-party-for-a-fairer-britain-autumn-2008-conference-speech/
And we hope the people remember the culpability of the whole Labour cabinet and most of the MPs in this crime against humanity. I see no reason why this should be forgiven within a generation. Of course this should still be higher up the agenda, but Labour, the Tories, and the media want us to forget and move on.
I realise the reference to Clegg was not meant to be a recognition that we have the right policy, just a grudging mention for completeness, in what is essentially a complaint about the Labour Party.
I don’t think the anti-warmongers in the Labour Party will get anywhere, while they continue to think it is a left-right issue. It isn’t. There is nothing intrinsically doveish about the left. That Blair, Brown and the rest of the cabinet are pro-war doesn’t make them right-wing. The Labour leadership knows there is no future in lurching back to the left – they may believe in doing so, but know that they can’t trust their own instincts and values. But there is considered opposition to the war to be found across the spectrum, particularly in the Lib Dems, and this should be a clue that it is not another one of those dangerously unelectably left-wing ideas.
Charlieman: Personally, I am very pleased that the Lib Dems and others have de-emphasised their opposition to the Iraq war. When the war was immediate, it made sense to stress that opposition, but today, all parties should have different concerns wrt Iraq. Delivering real economic development, democratic government, social services and personal security are more important than raking over old coals.
I agree. It’s not really that important whether a politician thinks an event 5 years ago should have happened or not. It’s not as if they vhave a time machine and can go back and change history.
The important thing is the situation in Iraq and the middle east now, and what we do about it.
Surely the ‘war’ ends when central organised opposition is toppled.
What we are left with in Iraq is a mixed situation of continued resistance, insurgency, criminal violence and attempts to establish a peaceful order. The end of the war was not the end of the mission, and the end of the mission is never the end of the job.
Effective diplomacy and the highest standards of trading relations are now what the lunatic anti-war obsessives should campaign for, because in continuing their abstract message they just show how irrelevant and lodged in the past they are.
All I will say is that Labour and the cabinet at the time except for Michael Meacher may very well see them selves facing some sort of trial. IF the right get in I believe after a few years there will be an underground movement to see this through. It will be the very hard left heavily pushing for this as well as the right. labours involvement in the war really has put me at odds with the party, but I should stress im really at odds with the hard left many of whom have been cabinet members for hijacking Labours traditional values. If we do go down it will probably be one of the biggest election defeats ever judging by the mood of the person on the street.
If we just didn’t get involved in the war I believe we would be sailing through the next election and possibly even the next one after that. Before iraq the Cons were devastated, Iraq revitalised them. The labour plan was going so well, immigration, education, housing, womens rights, crime reform, gay and lesbian rights but then to spoil the plan was the stupid Iraq war.
I’m with the others. I’ve always held that the Iraq war is “One that should never have been authorised and should never have been waged”. But the what the consequences of that position are for the here and now isn’t obvious. It’s no good being simply “anti-war” anymore, however vigorously so: you’ve got to come up with concrete suggestions for a way out, which are practical as well as ethical. And it’s slim pickings, which may be why anti-war voices are scattered and muffled these days.
It’s never any good being ‘anti-war’ because in the end there are always circumstances which escalate to the point you have to defend what you believe in.
Conscientious objection to war is not the same thing as being a mindless pacificist – the only thing the Manchester marchers demonstrated was their own cupidity.
Amen to about 90%, brother, but let’s not get all excited over Comrade Obama. If some suicide bomber rubs out a hundred marines the day after President Obama is sworn in he’s going to bomb the shit out of whoever with the enthusiastic backing of American liberals, all of whom will be convinced that he’s fighting a “smarter” War On Terror.
Full of anti-war bluster he may be, but he’s still a contender for the American presidency and there are certain conventions that need to be maintained, i.e. massive retaliation for any slight.
Well, I think there are just wars, it’s just (pun intended) that there are a lot fewer of them than most governments think there are. World War II and Gulf War I are the obvious candidates: the world community cannot allow unprovoked invasions of sovereign states. (I appreciate this has implications for Georgia, but to be honest I don’t really understand what is and what is not a sovereign state in that part of the world).
The problem with Gulf War II was always slightly different – it was obvious from the beginning that the US – with or without the UK – could get into Baghdad, but could it get out again? There is of course the view that it didn’t really want to – George W Bush runs an oil admnistration, and oilmen can make more money these days driving up the price of futures than they can by pumping and refining.
One small useful thing the FCO could do (but won’t) would be to release the papers I’m sure it has on the pros and cons both to the Iraqis and ourselves of maintaining the territorial integrity of the country. After all, its boundaries derive from the Sykes-Picot agreement of 1916, an act of imperialism if ever there was one (the locals were most certainly not consulted). I suspect that they show two things – that our only interests are the oil supply and the prevention of the creation of a pro-terrorist régime, and that there is no solution which appeals equally to all Iraqis (the Kurds in particular having a different agenda to the rest of the country).
Who would that be useful to, and why?
[10] Er, to better inform the debate, I should have thought.
Charlieman: Strange that you think there is no place for character in presentation for politics. Foresight is, surely, a useful for any leader yet those who predicted the calamity to come in Iraq are apparently not meant to capitalise on this over those who backed the blunder. I would suggest that the importance of good judgement is of such immensity for those seeking office that to have offered support for such a mishap disqualifies them from
Strange also that you deem the presence of foreign military troops somehow relevant to the deliverance of ” real economic development, democratic government, social services”. I put it to you that those Iraqis attempting to rebuild their shattered infrastructure would be far more successful in their efforts if they were not smeared by the continuing association to the military presence who broke it.
@James Grieves:
Para 1: Politicians should remind people about foresight, but should not/can not afford to gloat. An aside that “I would not have created this mess” followed by “but this is how we should address it” suffices.
Para 2: I am not sure what any politician can do about that, unless you are proposing unconditional troop withdrawal.
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