Capitalism, social democracy and a new internationalism – responding to Compass


by Conor Foley    
December 21, 2008 at 5:08 pm

Compass, the leading ‘soft-left’ pressure group in the Labour party, have initiated a ‘national debate about how we build a new kind of pro-social economy’ Jon Cruddas MP and Jonathan Rutherford’s opening salvo calls for the government ‘to use its stake in the banks to become an activist investor.’ In essence what they are proposing is a re-vamped version of the Alternative Economic Strategy (AES) of the early 1980s.

Stripped of the rhetoric, the AES was basically a policy of leftist economic nationalism, with the government using its central leverage powers to shape national investment policy to ‘correct’ the deficiencies of the free market. The AES called for nationalisation of certain financial institutions and key industries, exchange controls, tariffs and subsidies to build up ‘strategic’ economic sectors and withdrawal from the European Community (since most of these proposals would breach its rules).

The AES was gradually abandoned as Labour began to embrace ‘globalisation’ from the late 1980s. Bryan Gould, who stood against John Smith in the election that followed Labour’s defeat in 1992, was probably the last significant figure to champion its basic concepts. With the wholesale adoption of neo-liberalism by Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, it assumed the status of a quaint historical relic.

Desperate times call for desperate measures, and perhaps the old AES is now fit for purpose, but I have some serious reservations about what is currently being proposed.

The first is in the detail. Cruddas and Rutherford argue that ‘Taking ownership of the banks will enable it [the government] to seek a good return on taxpayers’ investment over the longer term while allowing the banks to rebuild their balance sheets.’ Yet they then go onto propose a series of tasks for these banks which are probably not commercially viable. We can argue the rights and wrongs of using ‘a national strategic investment bank’ as an instrument to promote micro-credit (ie encouraging poor people to borrow more money), for example, but you cannot simultaneously berate the private sector for failing to do this and claim that it would be a profitable activity (ie provide a good return on investment) for the State to undertake. Indeed, given that one of the roots of the current crisis lay in US banks lending money to people – in the form of sub-prime mortgages – that they were unable to pay back, it seems an extremely risky strategy to repeat.

As Paul Kruggman has noted, ‘normal rules don’t apply’ when dealing with recession economics and the current strategy of western governments seems to be to chuck as much money as possible at the economy in the hope of reflating it. According to Keynesian economic theory, it makes sense to pay people to dig holes during a recession and so a case could even be made for dropping cash from helicopters if that is what it takes to get people spending again. However, apart from being wasteful, there is an obvious danger that this strategy simply results in the inflation of yet another speculative bubble. Clearly it would be preferable for the government to invest in things that are socially useful and play some strategic role in strengthening sustainable development and this is my more fundamental objection to what Cruddas and Rutherford are proposing.

The case for investment in necessary infra-structure and renewable energy technologies as part of some type of New Deal programme is very strong, but what exactly do the authors mean when they say that: ‘The fundamentals of the economy need rebuilding and rebalancing’?

There are two separate underlying causes of the current economic crisis.

The fundamentals of the global economy have indeed been ‘re-balanced’ over the last number of years because the economies of the ‘developed world’ have been losing market share in manufactured goods to the ‘emerging economies’ of China, India, Brazil, Indonesia, etc. To take just one example, the world price for steel is now determined at a bilateral meeting between China and Brazil since these are its largest respective consumers and producers. The USA and Europe do not get a look in.

Western consumers benefited from this through cheaper goods, while wages in western countries were held down, by the threat of outsourcing to lower wage economies. Together with cheap oil, the effect was to dampen down inflation and boost the profitability of many multinational companies. This provided the basis for the long capitalist boom that has just come to an end.

As the ‘emerging economies’ got richer they were able to lend money to the ‘developed world’, which financed debt-led consumption that, in turn provided them with a continued market for their exports. Rising living standards in these countries also led to a decline in absolute poverty and the emergence of a new middle class who started to eat more meat, drive more cars, use more air-conditioners, etc. Eventually, this began to push up the price of commodities, particularly for oil, which triggered fears of inflation. US and European interest rates rose in response and this in turn, led to the credit crunch, the banking collapse and fears of a worldwide recession.

Unregulated financial speculators and ‘greedy bankers’ certainly bear some responsibility for how events unfolded, but to analyse what went wrong purely within the framework of the British (or western) nation-State is to miss the overall point about the crisis.

A few months ago Compass proposed a windfall tax on British energy companies, part of which would have been used to subsidise fuel consumption, despite the fact that Britain is now a net importer of oil. Today it says that ‘the countryside exists in a state of economic deprivation and our agriculture needs radical reform’. It also calls for the creation of ‘a series of regional banks’ to support ‘regional manufacturing.’ It meanwhile dismisses the ‘knowledge economy’ – one of the few areas where Britain has a continuing economic advantage – as ‘living on thin air.’

But what does the proposed alternative of Cruddas and Rutherford actually mean? Agriculture is already the most heavily subsidized and protected economic sector in the ‘developed world’, while jobs are being lost in ‘regional manufacturing companies’ because they cannot compete with the emerging economies. Is Compass suggesting more subsidies, tariffs and protectionism to shore up these declining sectors and how would that square, for example, with Britain’s membership of the World Trade Organisation?

The countries of the south have long been the victims of northern protectionism, which have cost them dear in lost exports. This policy has never been ethical, but is also increasingly unfeasible. The failure to tackle agricultural protectionism, for example, has put the Doha trade round in the deep freeze and an increase in tariffs and subsidies in other sectors could lead to further retaliation from the emerging economies. The left should be using the current crisis to make the case for a freeing up of world trade, yet Compass is sending out exactly the opposite signal.

The biggest weakness of the AES was that it rested on some underlying nationalist economic assumptions that were out of date back in the 1980s. It sounds even more anachronistic in its modern day reincarnation. ‘Keynesianism in one country’ is simply not an option and Compass need to catch up with some present day global economic realities.

A progressive economic and political strategy requires the development of a new internationalism, which seeks to forge alliances with progressive forces in the developing world. This means listening to them rather than lecturing them and a bit more humility about Britain’s current role and status. For the last decade discussion on the British left about ‘international solidarity’ seems to have centred on whether or not to invade certain countries in the name of human rights. It is time to get a little bit more serious about the challenges ahead.


---------------------------
  Tweet    


About the author
Conor Foley is a regular contributor and humanitarian aid worker who has worked for a variety of organisations including Liberty, Amnesty International and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. He currently lives and works in Brazil and is a research fellow at the Human Rights Law Centre at the University of Nottingham. His books include Combating Torture: a manual for judges and prosecutors and A Guide to Property Law in Afghanistan. Also at: Guardian CIF
· Other posts by
Filed under
Blog


Sorry, the comment form is closed at this time.


Reader comments


It’s worth noting, in passing that Keynes vision (International Bank of Settlements, etc.) never was a “one country” vision. His framework only makes long-term sense if it includes international co-operation.

Cruddas has a tendency to mix and match his metaphors and models in speeches, so I never know which bits he’s nailed down the details for.

BTW, is Compass holding some kind of central archive of the debate?

3. dreamingspire

How come other EU countries manage to both keep to EU rules and also make less of a mess of things than we do? I hear of our civil servants coming back from EU meetings realising how much more skilled their civil servants are, so what went wrong here? Also there has been that saying that we are a mid-Atlantic island, yet USA federal level civil servants who I encounter are also much better skilled than the London ones who I encounter here.

4. Luis Enrique

Conor,

As I understand you, the real point of this post is the international dimension. And I presume your question bears more upon the non-depression economics than the short-term ‘depression economics’. And (another assumption) the aspect you are interested in is the ‘imbalance’ of large global trade deficits/surpluses and the associated build up of large debtor/creditor relationships between countries. Correct me if I’m wrong.

This is an old, big question (Bernanke being one of those who has thought about it a lot, as, it appears, has Obama’s new appointee, Geithner) and while the left-wing may have a different take on it than the right, it some respects it is a problem that is best approached without a left/right agenda.

I think the problem is tied up with that of exchange rates. I don’t really know what to say about that: the chances of a global managed exchange rate system are low when one of its goals would be to make China do something it doesn’t want to do. So perhaps rather than speculate about possible exchange rate regimes the thing to do is assume continuation of the current system. But, perhaps one answer is for the rich countries to gang up on China a threaten to start blocking imports unless it lets its currency appreciate. I don’t know.

Your understandable concern is to avoid retarding the progress of currently poor countries who are busy reducing poverty via trade. This is a problem that isn’t going to go away even if China lets it currency appreciate – hopefully some time soon the various factors that stop Africa being a viable manufacturer and exporter (and I’m not talking about market access) will be overcome, and Africa will become a low-wage competitor against us, and the BRICs.

In terms of what countries export and import, certain imbalances are inevitable. Only some countries have mineral reserves, for example. And while some countries are poorer than others, poorer countries will have a similarly in-built advantage in labour intensive industries and trying to erase that advantage might be futile and also morally dubious – low wages are the biggest lever these countries have to lift themselves out of poverty.

I think the left has to abandon this idea (which is actually just as common on the right) that we’d be better off if we “made more stuff”. If we want to erase imbalances, we need to find things to export, and a large part of that will inevitably be services, unless we really do want to try to out-China China. Not to mention the fact that as the world grows richer, the composition of the economy will keep shifting toward services (especilally if we want to be ‘sustainable’).

Banking is a dirty word right now, but although the banks managed to tie themselves in knots and hang themselves with mortgage backed securities and CDSs etc. all that stuff is only a small part of what banks do. Financial services are a natural export sector for us, so I think if the left tries to cripple this sector because it thinks banks are bad, it will be making the ‘imbalances’ problem worse.

Energy is be part of everyone’s answer – clearly cutting energy imports would help with imbalances, but it would also be nice if we could design and manufacture sustainable energy kit which we could then export to China, India. The problem here is the world could use as cheap solar panels, for example, as it can get, so building them in China and India makes sense. We could subsidise some of the high-tech aspects where we can compete, and try to build up a lasting comparative advantage that might stay with us after China’s currency has appreciated. But this strikes me as a pretty thin answer. We could try to identify other sectors where we have a export potential (education, music, video games?) and see what the state can do to help there. It’s also a perhaps a problem that these sectors don’t obviously help the unskilled and unemployed (but perhaps it would indirectly – worker reallocation is too large a topic to get into here).

Conor, you might like Dani Rodrik’s One Economy Many Recipies, which discusses a sort of ‘experimental’ industrial policy, where rather than try to pick winners the state tries a half-way house of being partially led by industry, while also being ready to pull the plug if it’s not working. This is one sort of left-wingish answer, but he’s mainly writing about poor countries not rich ones.

Like you Conor, I don’t think the left should start campaigning for tarifs and the whole shebang to try to cut imports. This is classic game theory stuff, whereby everybody looking out for themselves in isolation makes everybody worse off. I can’t see a good ending down that road. And it certainly doesn’t sound much like international solidarity. But maybe we face a nasty trade off – if we want to do something about these ‘imbalances’ etc. and China keeps holding its currency down, we are going to have to start doing some unfriendly things – either that or put up with imbalances. I don’t know, after all this, it turns out I don’t have much useful to say.

dreamingspire:

Not sure if the issue of civil servants is a bit of a thread hijack, but the US is drawing civil servants from a pool across a big country. Even though there’s evidence that there are greater incentives to go into various other careers in the US, the place is big enough to have talent left over for government. Also, above a certain level, there are political appointees which allows more room to bring in talent from outside if needed. (There are downsides to this too, but that’s for a longer debate.)

European countries should be a better comparator, after all, they are more similarly sized. Here we see the effects of social incentives. In part I think the notion of public service as a valuable career survives better in Europe than it does here. The gaps with the private sector pay are actually fairly similar (excluding the top ranks) but we just don’t respect our civil servants that much, so who is going to do the job when they have other options?

The other issue is of course, education. I have no idea what the situation is now, but it used to be that the civil service in the UK was dominated by networks of Oxbridge graduates in anachronistic subjects. Those subjects were supposed to create “rounded” people but when you compare to the typical government service oriented degrees on the continent they really just were not as good preparation for government.

(Which also reminds me of the discussion about PPE over at septicisle.)

They tell me civil service recruiting has changed a lot, but I think it takes time for such changes to work through the system. The people who’ve risen to the top were still recruited under the old systems. The new ones are still juniors.

Uh, chickyog, not septic.

7. dreamingspire

Not a hijack attempt, just pointing out the problem that ‘government’ here is largely implemented by civil servants, and, in key sectors where investment is being discussed, ours are nothing like as skilled as those in comparable countries. I thought that policy is for the politicians, but find civil servants hijacking it (one recently said to a conference that he is a policy person and to me personally that he is not to be bothered with anything technical – and to him how you turn policy into reality, or even work out whether that is possible, is technical) and then discovering that too many of them do not know what they are meddling in. You need the competent organisation…

dreamingspire – I wasn’t accusing you, more defending myself over potential thread-jacking!

I agree that you need a competent organisation that can cope with technical details.

The biggest failing of British Government + Democracy is that both the politicians and the civil servants are largely drawn from fields that do not emphasise that competence.

Thanks for the tip Luis, I am partly thinking out loud here about a future project and will follow your reading advice.

10. Conor Foley

Incidentally, there is an interesting piece in today’s Guardian by Larry Elliot on a similar theme

http://www.guardian.co.uk/business/2008/dec/22/keynes-left-economics-economy

“The crisis thus presents a golden opportunity and a threat to the left. The financial meltdown has morphed into an economic downturn of brutal severity; on the other hand, the window of opportunity will be brief, much time has been lost and there is not a lot of money around to fund blue-skies thinking. US academia at least has Joseph Stiglitz and Paul Krugman; there is, sadly, no sign of a British Keynes for the 21st century. Scholars, politicians and thinktanks have little more than six months to come up with ideas to influence policy before and after the election.”

Over to you Sunny!

11. Jonathan Rutherford

Conor, thanks for writing this response. Jon and I are floating ideas. Luis suggested we were ‘ forging a radical new path’, but this is not so. If only we were able to. It’s about putting out ideas and discussing them. Some ideas might be OK and some might not.

There is no defined programme behind the article we wrote. Nor is it a formal Compass initiative. And we certainly aren’t advocating a return to the AES. However I’m personally interested in looking at it again and also Bryan Gould’s economic policies. These were defeated politically by Blair/Brown. Do they still offer a basis for developing a political economy or are they too dated? I don’t know. As for your suggestion about a new internationalism – yes completely agree.

Just to clear up a few points

1. We are not opposed to the knowledge economy or to the cultural industries. They are transformative of wider economic relations but they are not large employers, they are concentrated in certain parts of the country and they contribute to inequality. Alone they do not provide an answer to Britain’s economic future in the way Blair, Mandelson et al believed in the 1990s. Also, through government policy, they have had a negative impact on the HE education system by integrating it into a market economy.

2. I know it’s our fault for how the piece was written but I’d like to separate the idea of the activist state nationalising the banks and exercising strategic control over their investment from the other idea of a post office turned people’s bank, one function of which is to provide micro-credit. Take each idea separately. I hold to both still.

Luis suggests higher benefit levels would be better than offering lending facilities. We need to tackle poverty by increasing benefit levels and we can allow the post office/people’s bank to administer the social fund in a new form plus offer standard banking facilities. This need not mean a return to mega levels of indebtedness. The middle classes can have their over draft facilities without the alarm being sounded.

3. We are not advocating that the way out of the recession is to simply let consumption boom, although I personally favour shifting wealth downwards, how we do so is open to debate.

4. As for agriculture we had in mind the need to address the economic problems of the countryside and achieve some greater degree of food security. Soundings [www.soundings.org.uk] is planning a seminar on this next year.

Larry Elliott has written a good piece in The Guardian [www.guardian.co.uk/business/2008/dec/22/keynes-left-economics-economy] today on what the mainstream left needs to doif it is to have an impact on shaping the future. Soundings [www.soundings.org.uk] is running a series of articles over the next year, Compass is organising an economic summit in April. We have the New Green Deal and there are a number of left economists writing about the current crisis. But we have a lot of catching up to do if we want to have an impact. More than anything we need to coordinate our activities and debates.

12. Conor Foley

Thanks Jonathan, it looks like we both got to Larry Elliot’s piece simultaneously.

I have been thinking about some of this stuff for the entirely tangental reason that I am planning to write something about the political economy of Brazil (as one of the BRICs) next year.

I have also long thought that the British (or northern) left needs to integrate progressive internationalism into its economic analysis. Although I have been a bit critical of Compass, it does seem to be one of the few centre-left organisations that is promoting discussion on these issues so I will follow your debates.


Reactions: Twitter, blogs




    Sorry, the comment form is closed at this time.

     
    Liberal Conspiracy is the UK's most popular left-of-centre politics blog. Our aim is to re-vitalise the liberal-left through discussion and action. More about us here.

    You can read articles through the front page, via Twitter or RSS feed. You can also get them by email and through our Facebook group.
    RECENT OPINION ARTICLES




    39 Comments



    11 Comments



    24 Comments



    88 Comments



    69 Comments



    20 Comments



    29 Comments



    45 Comments



    32 Comments



    45 Comments



    LATEST COMMENTS
    » john b posted on Ken Livingstone and recent controversies - a defence

    » Bob B posted on Libdems approve obliteration of the NHS

    » Trooper Thompson posted on Libdems approve obliteration of the NHS

    » Bob B posted on Libdems approve obliteration of the NHS

    » Trooper Thompson posted on Libdems approve obliteration of the NHS

    » JoJo posted on Oi Daily Mail - who you calling a "Plastic" Brit?

    » j2h posted on Oi Daily Mail - who you calling a "Plastic" Brit?

    » Mike O'Driscoll posted on Why is Lansley so quiet about this good NHS news?

    » Bob B posted on We Libdems will need more than an apology if the NHS bill passes

    » Joe posted on We Libdems will need more than an apology if the NHS bill passes

    » the a&e charge nurse posted on We Libdems will need more than an apology if the NHS bill passes

    » Bob B posted on You just can't be a Monarchist and believe in meritocracy

    » Just Visiting posted on The EDL and BNP start to join forces

    » Bob B posted on We Libdems will need more than an apology if the NHS bill passes

    » the a&e charge nurse posted on Oi Daily Mail - who you calling a "Plastic" Brit?