Legislation that amounts to nothing
One of the more cutting attacks of recent months on the government came not from the Conservatives but from that other continual provider of friendly fire, Frank Field. Writing about government business which was slowly winding its way towards conclusion, he said: “week after week MPs have been turning up but with almost no serious work to do. There is the odd bill to be sure. But there is no legislative programme to speak of … the whole exercise is vacuous.”
This misses the point that it is not the quantity of bills which are passed, and New Labour has in the past been rightly accused of legislative mania, but rather the quality, on which Labour again falls down on. The immediate answer to passing frenzies and quick to evaporate moral panics is always to get something on the statute book, regardless of how those laws will end up being used and the overall effect they will have.
The shining example remains the Dangerous Dogs Act, passed after a tabloid campaign and which outlaws entire breeds of dog, regardless of the dog’s own nature. Last year’s knife panic brought demands for anyone carrying a knife, regardless of age or reason, to be sent to prison, something which most judges are still rightly either ignoring or evading.
With this in mind, some criticism of what amounts to the next Queen’s speech announced yesterday would be unfair.
Who can blame a government in uncertain economic times, when it doesn’t frankly have a clue how much money it will eventually have to play about with, from not having the most ambitious legislative programme mapped out? Added to this is that we are now less from a year away from an election, where the real big reforms and changes will doubtless be held over to put into the manifesto, and you’re likely to be left with what is tinkering around the margins, dropping some of the more unpopular formerly proposed initiatives, with part-privatisation of the Royal Mail postponed and ID cards now not to be forced on anyone (although the real problem all along, the database, will still be around) while also attempting some populist gestures such as allocating more money to social housing building.
As of course this though is New Labour, they can’t help but add some very real stings in the tail. The added measure in the housing commitment to make sure that “local residents” are first to be considered for new council homes has only one target, and that is the persistent myth, mined ruthlessly by the BNP, that migrants, asylum seekers and foreigners have the first crack of the whip. It’s true that all councils have to bump up those who are in genuine need, whether homeless or otherwise, up towards the top, but asylum seekers and migrants are excluded from the very beginning until they are given leave to remain. Only 5% of social housing is allocated to foreign nationals, but this hasn’t stopped the repeated claims that this isn’t the case.
That the government has now given succour to the idea, regardless of whether or not they also point out at the same time that it isn’t true, it’s the sort of legitimisation which the BNP and other discontents thrive upon and which they will be pointing out for years to come. It might not be entirely fair to call this “British homes for British workers”, but it’s not far from it.
What the Labour and the Conservatives are fighting a battle not over ideology, but over the little details. The key differences seem to be that the Conservatives will be slightly tougher, whether on law and order, foreign policy and the welfare system, and cut slightly more, except on health and foreign aid, and possibly education than Labour will. Little else really separates them.
The promise that you would no longer be forced to decide which is the lesser of the two evils, with the Lib Dems joining the fray in certain areas, could have helped to suggest that there will shortly be a real choice. Instead we’re fobbed off with the same old leftovers as before, regardless of which party is proposing what.
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'Septicisle' is a regular contributor to Liberal Conspiracy. He mostly blogs, poorly, over at Septicisle.info on politics and general media mendacity.
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Story Filed Under: Blog ,Conservative Party ,Labour party ,Westminster
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Reader comments
If the battle was trickle-down versus legislative means of attacking societal ills, then obviously the latter would win hads down in terms of effectiveness and regulation. But of course, as mentioned, the risk is that legislation can mean fingers getting burnt, and the example is right about the implications of the housing legislation.
But the problem here is the implication itself.
And I think this is to do with New Labour being on the backfoot at the moment, repeating slogans that some people want to hear (tough on slogans, tough on the causes of slogans, as Bill Bailey once said).
So if more was done to iron out possible misunderstandings of our slogans – perhaps linking them with information crucial for the understanding of foreign nationals in this country, information that could curb some of the chatter purported by the far-right – then we might find its not legislation that is the problem at all. After all, legislation doesn’t always amount to nothing.
If work is slack they should be laid off for a few weeks.
“housing commitment to make sure that “local residents” are first to be considered for new council homes”
It may come as a shock to the metropolitan elite but these policies have been in force in many rural areas for years. In villages with populations below 2000 in parts of somerset housing associations give prioirity to those with local connections (work/caring responsibilities etc).
Extending this wider seems sensible to me.
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