Monthly Archives: August 2010

Vote reform will ‘prevent radical reform’

Right-wing think tank Institute of Economic Affairs warns its readers that voting reform will make it harder for “radical free-market economic reforms”, such as slashing social benefits, to happen.

Such reforms, they argue, will only ever be supported by a minority of people, and under a preferential voting system it would have been harder for someone like Thatcher to get elected:

AV is not a good way to elect Members of Parliament who will support radical free-market economic reforms. Why is this? In the United Kingdom today almost 50% of the population rely on the government for a sizeable portion of their income, and even more receive some money in the form of tax credits or old-age support.

In the most recent General Election, the British Conservatives (not exactly running on the most radical free-market platform) polled 36% of the vote. Just over a third of British voters were willing to give their “primary vote” for a party willing to cut the deficit quickly and enact the beginnings of free-market school reform.

Any party that wishes to become government under AV will be elected on the second, third or fourth preferences of those parties who finish lower down the ballot paper. If a large proportion of the population receive money from the system, then it is difficult to imagine them placing their second preferences for a party that will withdraw social benefits, ahead of one that pledges to retain them. To put it another way, a lot of those on the left would give their preference to a social democrat candidate, but few on the right would give theirs to a free marketeer.

Market liberals need to remember that Thatcher won 42% of the vote in 1983 – and it is highly unlikely she would have gained a lot of second preferences. Changing the voting system may be good for other reasons, but it makes a government that will be willing to enact radical free-market reform less likely.

In defence of Conservative ‘guilt’

At the Guardian, Theo Hobson says:

On Any Questions recently, someone asked the panellists whether they intended to cut down on their meat consumption, for environmental reasons. There were a couple of hesitant, nondescript answers and then Ken Clarke calmly guffawed at the whole idea. Like I’m going to cut down on my merry feasting, he basically said.

And the audience found his cavalier confidence sort of reassuring, and laughed. Here, it struck me, is the very nub of the Tory soul: it enjoys showing its lack of angst. And such confidence impresses people. Let us be ruled by these Nietzschean strong souls, we cravenly feel, who are too busy living well to entertain cowardly moral scruples.

Y’know, misrepresenting the motivations of your opponents might not be one of the worst characteristics of an ever-corroding political debate, but it is one of the more grating.
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Low earners won’t thrive in Big Society

Hazel Scully

Hazel Scully

Last week, I went to Skelmersdale to talk about David Cameron’s ‘big society’ concept with council tenants Ted and Hazel Scully, and Sandra Porter. I spent time with them last year as well.

Cameron’s ‘big society’ idea is as hard to grasp as it is to buy into. It’s centered on the notions that people will volunteer to provide public services in place of the state and that residents should drive local council spending and direction. Phrases like ‘community empowerment’ and ‘people power’ guff through big society talk.

These phrases means nothing. Neither ‘community empowerment’ nor ‘people power’ will make it past rhetoric under Cameron’s administration. The realities of Tory rule in local government are vicious service cuts and a chilling detachment from people who need public services. There is no engagement. There is no consultation with poorer communities. Funding is cut and services eliminated without a word of discussion with service users and providers.

Let’s spend some time now in Skelmersdale – a working-class town in the Conservative West Lancashire borough: Continue reading

What qualities will a new Labour leader need?

Blairism’s greatest triumph was shifting the centre ground to the left.

In the last election Cameron competed with Clegg and Brown to argue who was the most reverent protector of the NHS. The language of the Coalition centres on “progressivism”. Thatcher did not feel the same kind of need to couch her reforms in the language of the Left.

We’d never have seen her cycling to work and stressing her environmentalism or play down her support for elitist institutions.

The challenge for Labour is to provide the most authentic voice on the values now seen as most important.
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How David Miliband’s stock has declined since launch

One of the problems with the Labour leadership election is that because there is little polling on how candidates are impacting audiences, speculation is exaggerated.

Each campaign wants to push the line that their candidate has all “the momentum” because they want to convince wavering MPs that they should stick with the candidate most likely to win.

But there are questions the media isn’t asking: why has David Miliband’s stock – who was way ahead of the others when starting out – fallen so much? Why is he running neck-and-neck and not way ahead?
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Ed Balls: build 100,000 houses with £6bn

Ed Balls writes for Labour List:

We need to show why our ideas will help meet the challenges of the next decade rather than the last one, and will help us win back the voters we lost. And housing, an issue too often neglected, goes to the heart of these challenges.

For a start, housing exemplifies the economic alternative we need right now, and exposes the myth that cuts can somehow produce jobs and growth. For every pound spent on house building an estimated £1.40 in gross output is generated across the economy. Every two homes built create an estimated three full time jobs plus up to four times that number in the supply chain.

The public finances are around £12 billion healthier than forecast at the time of the Budget. The coalition wants to use that extra money to pay down the deficit faster. I think that at a time when the economy is still so fragile and other countries are already tipping back into recession, we should instead use that money to boost construction jobs and build new homes.

By using half of that £12 billion, a £6 billion investment this year and next, we could build 100,000 extra affordable homes which it’s been estimated would create up to 750,000 new jobs, directly in the construction industry and indirectly in the supply chain including thousands of apprenticeships for young people.

Ambitious and very welcome. Read the whole article here.

‘Unemployment to exceed 10% in 5yrs time’

At least one in 10 people will be unemployed in half of UK regions by 2015, an economic think tank has forecast.

According to the Centre for Economics and Business Research (CEBR), the unemployment rate will exceed 10% in Wales and the North of England.

The CEBR blamed expected huge cuts to public sector jobs.

London and the South of England are expected to escape the worst of the job losses, however.

The report warns unemployment could reach as high as 11% in Wales and the North East of England – both regions where many people are dependent on the public sector for work.

However the researchers predict south east and south west England will see jobless rates peak at 7% and 8% respectively.

…more at the BBC

Why I super-glued myself to the Royal Bank of Scotland

contribution by Tim Gee

Last week, I super-glued myself to the Royal Bank of Scotland. It was the same branch that I walked past every day for the five years I lived in Edinburgh. The police station where I spent the night was the very same that I once lived opposite.

Two years ago I moved away from Scotland to London for a job in international development – working alongside people in some of the poorest countries in the world.

The UK’s £8 billion pound aid budget goes some way towards alleviating poverty. Yet since the bail out, the Royal Bank of Scotland has invested nearly £13 billion in to fossil fuel projects.

RBS’ investments serve to undo the good work done by the development organisations I work with, by intensifying the plight of people in developing countries – 300, 000 of whom already die each year as a result of climate change.
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How do we resolve our housing problem?

contribution by Michael Gun-Why

Housing Policy died around the mid-1990s. It died a slow silent death. What was once an important ministerial portfolio was subsumed into urban regeneration agendas and programmes to tackle anti-social behaviour.

In the last month, with the mild furore over the cutting of housing benefit, we have witnessed the death rattles of housing policy. Several cases in national newspapers of large unemployed families living in million pound mansions in London, make the case for cutting housing benefit simply ‘common sense’, doesn’t it? The answer is yes.

The problem for left of centre progressives is this doesn’t feel right.
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Conservative myths about raising taxes and “broad coalitions”

The Spectator’s Peter Hoskin doesn’t like the idea of extending the 50p top rate of tax to earnings over £100,000 (rather than £150,000) though he rather jumps the gun in suggesting that “it’s fairly probable that this will be official Labour policy in the not-too-distant”.

Hoskin suggests that Ed Miliband has joined Ed Balls and Diane Abbott in advocating this policy. In fact, he hasn’t, despite that claim erroneously appearing in one New Statesman editorial which the Coffee House blog links. What Ed Miliband has said is that he would make the 50p rate at £150,000 “permanent“, rather than temporary, but has yet to go further than that.

Hoskins’ substantive argument continues the tradition of right-of-centre media commentators warning centre-left parties not to desert the centre-ground on higher taxes at the top, when they would do so with only the company of a substantial majority of the voters as consolation.
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