Is Labour still unclear on what needs to change?
1:30 pm - January 2nd 2011
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Party leaders will never be in want of unsolicited advice. Ed Miliband rightly argues that a party which polled just 29% of the vote after 13 years in office should open everything to scrutiny, and begin a policy review from a “blank page”.
In rewriting the script, he should welcome more open debate, and disagreement too, wherever that is constructive. The leader must persuade his party to embark on a journey of change.
The initial contours of his thinking make strategic sense but require public animation: the need to regain economic credibility, while developing a post-crash political economy; drawing on Labour’s own mutualist traditions to develop a less statist agenda, while defending the necessary role of government from reckless retreat; a party which is secure about its own mission of a fairer and more equal society, and so is able to operate more conifdently in a more plural political environment.
There is no off-the-peg model of party leadership for Miliband to emulate which fits Labour’s challenge today.
Tony Blair, from 1994 and 1997, was the most successful post-war opposition leader. Miliband can learn much from how the early Blair made a resonant public case that Britain was too divided and fractured.
But much heavy lifting had already been done for Blair before 1994, as the Kinnock policy review ditched the 1983 platform; John Smith’s OMOV victory, which was a bigger risk than replacing clause four, and the emergence of a new generation of Labour women.
After four successive defeats in 1992, much Labour opinion shared an analysis of the barriers to electability. In 2010, after three victories and a heavy loss, there is not yet any shared analysis of what needs to change.
Ed Miliband’s position rather more resembles that Margaret Thatcher on becoming Tory leader in February 1975, inheriting a Shadow Cabinet which had overwhelmingly supported Ted Heath. She did not define Thatcherism in 100 days: her most important public engagement in her first months was to campaign for a Yes vote in the referendum which kept Britain in Europe.
Thatcherism took shape much later, especially after the 1981 purge of the “wets” from the Cabinet. Ed Miliband’s instinctively more collegiate approach to leadership should be welcomed by a party disfigured by factional conflict.
David Cameron’s party leadership offers Miliband as many lessons in failure as in success. Cameron’s bold first hundred days, which focused on photo opportunities designed to change the Tory brand, helped to get his party a hearing. Four years later, the public remained unclear as to what the Tory leader had anything to say.
74% of voters in 2010 agreed it was time for a change of government, yet only 34% thought Cameron had made his case for change. In circumstances more favourable to the opposition than 1997, Cameron won only 3% more than Michael Howard had in 2005. He squeezed into Downing Street by default.
Tory commentators who say that the next election is in the bag for Cameron have never explained how he failed to win the last one. The Tory leader was kept awake by the strength of focus group findings that the Tories, in a crisis, would stick up for the rich. For all of the coalition sunshine of May, has the government’s austerity agenda done more to challenge that perception or to reinforce it?
So there is all to play for in 2011.
Labour begins the year slightly ahead in the polls, with one-third of LibDem voters having switched in six months. Labour’s challenge – to construct an alternative and persuade people to choose it – remains great. It is not a challenge for the party leader alone.
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Editorial from the new Fabian Review, published January 5th. It also previews the Fabian New Year conference on Saturday 15th Jan. Illustration copyright of .
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Sunder Katwala is a regular contributor to Liberal Conspiracy. He is the director of British Future, a think-tank addressing identity and integration, migration and opportunity. He was formerly secretary-general of the Fabian Society.
· Other posts by Sunder Katwala
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Reader comments
“drawing on Labour’s own mutualist traditions to develop a less statist agenda,”
We can hope.
‘Labour begins the year slightly ahead in the polls, with one-third of LibDem voters having switched in six months. Labour’s challenge – to construct an alternative and persuade people to choose it – remains great.”
I suspect the reconstruction job is going to take some time. Absent some sudden and catastrophic implosion of the Coalition, the major task for the Labour party is to convince the 13% or so of voters who supported the LD’s last time that they should vote Labour.
Many will do so as they are probably “natural” Labour voters who defected in disgust at the New Labour hi-jacking. Others will be willing to vote Labour tactically, even if they don’t feel Labour has changed enough to actively support. Others (and I’d include myself in this group) remain deeply suspicious of Labour, irrespective of the fact we are unlikely to support the LD’s in current circumstances either.
Labour are unlikely to win without the support of these groups (and by the same token, the Tories are unlikely to win in their own right unless they can persuade enough disaffected former LD voters on the centre-right to switch to them too).
For what it is worth, I wish you well because I don’t think the forces of progressive, radical politics within Labour are that strong; you have a hard furrow to plough.
Well, Labour could say that it would support the provision of services by whoever was best placed to do so, be that State, market or non-profit outfit. But then it would have to say how it worked out which was which. And that, in the past, has always been the hard bit.
But is there time for all this self reflection and debate? By the time it’s concluded and the report written, the Coalition will have done so much damage, and will have had year to make its own weather, as it were. They clearly realise that their time may be short – look at the way they are pressing ahead, it’s like nothing seen before.
Pre Thatcher, I don’t think parties used, on losing an election, to go and sulk and think about things for years – that is a product of successive government with huge majorities which is not the case now. To do it now would just be self indulgent.
drawing on Labour’s own mutualist traditions to develop a less statist agenda
I wish you professional Labourites would come clean with us mere party members. Tell us what you actually want to do and stop feeding us platitudes. This is the nudge theory again: mention things that we are supposed to want before actually telling us what it is that you want us to want.
Let me tell you what I think about “Labour’s own mutualist traditions”. I see mutualism (and “social enterprises”) as a way to make capitalism more acceptable. So the Co-op (mutual) or John Lewis (profit share) are good, Tescos and Wal-Mart (plc paying dividends to shareholders) are bad. Those on the Left will agree (those on the Right are respectfully asked to butt out of this conversation).
So when Chuka Ummuna says that he wants to see Northern Rock turned into a mutual, I am fully in agreement. That is a bank becoming a mutual, and one could argue that if the mutual building societies had not turned into banks we would have been less exposed to the global financial crisis.
However, this is not what Ed Miliband means when he said at the NPR last year
What are the solutions for the future that I am interested in? I am interested in mutual solutions to some of the issues we face in our public services. To community ownership of our public services.
Whoa! Ed, we already own the public services, why should we mutualise them? What are “the issues” in public services that mutuals could possibly be “the solution”? What do we (the public, not you, the politicians) gain from this? What we lose is the ownership of the public service. What we lose is the responsibility for the public service. What we lose is the accountability of those running the service. So what do we gain?
So, Sunder, tell us (as a professional Labourite) are you thinking of mutualising private companies or public services? Be honest with us, will you?
@4 David
What alternative do they have? I’ve been critical of the apparently leisurely pace with which Labour has begun to “set out it’s stall”, but I’m realistic enough to see that it wasn’t going to happen overnight.
It is going to take time for Labour to de-toxify their brand, and as the leadership election showed, they are hardly spoilt for choice (or talent) when it comes to choosing people to lead them back into power.
Realistically, the Coalition is probably going to hang on as long as it possibly can; to do so otherwise would be suicidal for Clegg and those LD’s left who support the Coalition. So…unless the Coalition self destructs, Labour still has some time to develop an alternative platform.
I’d like to think it can do so, but it is far from a foregone conclusion.
drawing on Labour’s own mutualist traditions to develop a less statist agenda, while defending the necessary role of government from reckless retreat
Not possible, I’m afraid.
You are correct that mutualism is the way forward however it can only emerge from the bottom up, not via the top down.
And anyway.
Milliband and his cronies are as statist and corporatist as were Blair and Brown.
In answer to the question in the headline: yes
Pagar,
“You are correct that mutualism is the way forward however it can only emerge from the bottom up, not via the top down.”
Indeed, and I wouldn’t see such a movement, if it arrived, as identifying with the agenda of Labour, partly because:
“Milliband and his cronies are as statist and corporatist as were Blair and Brown.”
I know what labour needs to change: its current fixation with neoliberalism.
nothing could be more clear: everything.
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